A single photograph, circulated across social media and flashed across every news channel, has done more to expose the fragility of Philippine politics than a year of public speeches. The image shows President Bongbong Marcos (PBBM) standing shoulder-to-shoulder with former Manila Mayor Isko Moreno (Yorme), beaming as they inaugurated a project in the nation’s capital. The visual was stunning, not for the project itself, but for the person who was conspicuously absent: Vice President Sara Duterte, Marcos’s supposed political partner and the co-founder of the UniTeam alliance. The event wasn’t just a ribbon-cutting; it was a political earthquake, signaling the final, catastrophic breakdown of the country’s most powerful alliance and sending a clear, unequivocal message to the Diehard Duterte Supporters (DDS): your welcome in Manila has expired.

This is the ultimate political chess match, played out in the most public way possible. Why was Sara Duterte, the sitting Vice President, not present at a major event involving the President of the Philippines? Why would President Marcos publicly align himself with Isko Moreno, one of the most vocal critics of the previous Duterte administration? The answer is simple, yet politically brutal: The Marcos administration is strategically isolating the Duterte faction, and the Manila inauguration was the formal declaration of a new, pragmatic political order. The era of the UniTeam is over, replaced by a ruthless strategy for political survival, leaving the DDS to fend for itself in a rapidly shifting landscape.

Part I: The Inauguration Heard ‘Round the Country—Marcos and Moreno’s Unexpected Alliance

The backdrop for this political masterstroke was the inauguration of a key infrastructure project in Manila—a project that was the brainchild and legacy of Isko Moreno’s term as Mayor. For President Marcos to choose to personally attend and dedicate this project was not merely a gesture of continuity; it was a highly calculated political move that simultaneously boosted a rival of the Dutertes and provided Marcos with a new, credible political ally outside the increasingly toxic DDS camp.

To fully grasp the magnitude of this moment, one must remember the fierce political rivalry that defined the previous years. Isko Moreno, affectionately known as Yorme by his supporters, was a popular figure who challenged the Duterte establishment directly, often criticizing the policies and the leadership style of the former President. The DDS viewed Moreno not just as an opponent, but as a dangerous threat, and his criticism was met with the full force of their propaganda machine. The political chasm between Yorme and the Dutertes seemed insurmountable.

Yet, there stood PBBM, smiling warmly alongside Moreno, praising his vision and commitment to the capital. The visual contrast was jarring. The President of the Philippines was embracing a political figure who the Vice President’s family had routinely attempted to dismantle. This embrace was a public, televised political divorce from the toxic elements of the UniTeam alliance. It was a clear demonstration that President Marcos is now prioritizing pragmatic governance and political expediency over maintaining the increasingly burdensome façade of loyalty to the Duterte political machine.

For the average Filipino voter, the image carried a profound meaning: the loyalty that VP Sara Duterte’s camp banked on—the foundation of the UniTeam that swept them both into office—was thin and situational. Marcos’s alliance with Moreno signals his detachment from the past administration’s heavy-handed tactics and his desire to appeal to a broader, more moderate base that was alienated by the DDS’s brutality. By elevating Moreno, Marcos gains a new partner in the vote-rich capital and signals to other local leaders across the country that they do not need to choose between the President and the increasingly embattled Vice President. The political message to the DDS is stark: the king has chosen a new court favorite.

Furthermore, the symbolism of the project itself cannot be ignored. By inaugurating one of Yorme’s legacy projects, Marcos indirectly validated Moreno’s governance and appeal, further marginalizing the political narrative being pushed by the Dutertes—that only their brand of leadership could secure the nation’s future. The photograph is a masterclass in non-verbal political communication: Marcos is moving on, and he is doing so with the enemies of his Vice President. The silence from the Vice President’s camp in the immediate aftermath was deafening, a testament to the fact that they understood the severity of the snub. The once-mighty UniTeam is now visibly fractured, and the blame is being placed squarely on the side of the President’s growing political independence.

Part II: The Uninvited Guest—Why Was Sara Duterte Absent?

The central question that has ignited social media and political commentary is simple: Why wasn’t Sara Duterte at the Manila inauguration? The explanation goes far beyond a simple scheduling conflict or a minor oversight. It points directly to a deliberate, high-level political isolation orchestrated by forces within the Marcos administration.

As the second-highest official in the land, the Vice President is typically present at any major infrastructure event involving the President, especially in the capital. Her absence, therefore, was not accidental; it was a powerful, orchestrated message of exclusion. There are three leading theories circulating within political circles, each equally devastating to the Vice President’s standing:

Theory 1: The Deliberate Snub

The most compelling theory is that VP Sara Duterte was intentionally excluded from the event. This aligns with a pattern of subtle but sustained marginalization she has faced since the eruption of the Confidential Funds scandal and the increasing threat of the ICC investigation into her family. The Marcos camp, keen to distance itself from the political toxicity now surrounding the Dutertes, realized that Sara’s presence would undermine the entire purpose of the event: to signal a clean break and a forward-looking administration.

Inviting her would have forced PBBM to share the spotlight, and more importantly, it would have diluted the power of his public alliance with Isko Moreno. By ensuring her absence, Marcos effectively demonstrated to his true allies—and to the public—that he is not beholden to the political promises made during the election season. The snub in Manila, a city where the DDS once commanded significant loyalty, serves as a decisive act of political emasculation. The message sent was clear: You are no longer essential, and your political baggage is too heavy for us to carry.

Theory 2: The Self-Imposed Isolation

A secondary theory suggests that Sara Duterte chose to stay away preemptively, recognizing the political trap. Given the ongoing tension and the clear signal that Marcos intended to validate Moreno’s legacy, the Vice President may have calculated that attending would only lead to further public humiliation. Had she attended, she would have been forced to stand smilingly next to her family’s bitter rival, an image that would have enraged her core DDS base.

Her absence, therefore, may have been a reluctant attempt to maintain her dignity and protect her remaining political capital. However, this choice only confirms her diminishing political space. By choosing to stay away, she validates the narrative that she is no longer a central figure in the Marcos administration’s major public affairs, solidifying her status as a political outsider in her own government.

Theory 3: The Manila Rejection—DDS No Longer Welcome

This theory addresses the most painful part of the source headline: “Are DDS no longer welcome in Manila?” The simple answer, according to political observers, is no, not under the new order. Manila is a political and cultural barometer for the rest of the nation. The public display of unity between Marcos and Moreno is a direct signal to Manila’s electorate that the city is now aligning with the current President and the legacy of his local ally (Yorme), consciously rejecting the previous administration’s style.

The DDS political machine relied heavily on aggressive rhetoric and fear. After the massive political fallout from the ICC investigation and the Confidential Funds controversies, that rhetoric is now a political liability. Marcos is shrewdly tapping into a growing segment of the population that is exhausted by the drama and is seeking a return to stability and traditional governance—a path that necessitates jettisoning the hardline DDS brand. The exclusion of Sara Duterte from the Manila event is the final, undeniable proof that the political center of gravity has shifted, leaving the DDS to fend for its survival without the shield of the presidency.

Part III: The Shifting Sands of the UniTeam—A Partnership For Survival

The UniTeam was initially conceived as an unbreakable political juggernaut—an alliance of two powerful dynastic names that guaranteed victory. Today, it stands exposed as a fragile partnership of convenience that has finally reached its breaking point.

The initial success of the UniTeam was based on a simple exchange: Marcos leveraged Duterte’s massive Mindanao and DDS base, while Duterte leveraged the Marcos name to return to Malacañang. The transaction was purely political, devoid of any ideological connection. Once in power, the ideological differences and conflicting loyalties began to emerge, exacerbated by the relentless legal and audit scrutiny on the Duterte family.

The most critical factor in the UniTeam’s collapse is the Marcos administration’s calculated response to the ICC. By cooperating, or at least not actively obstructing, the international investigation, Marcos has signaled that he will prioritize the Philippines’ relationship with the global community over protecting the Duterte family. This stance has directly pitted the President against his Vice President, making their political partnership unsustainable.

The Manila inauguration, therefore, was not an isolated incident; it was the clearest public expression of a broader strategic realignment. Marcos is consolidating his own power base, making peace with his own family’s historical rivals, and building new bridges with political figures like Isko Moreno, who represent a viable, non-DDS alternative. For Sara Duterte, this means the political lifeboat is sinking. She is increasingly being defined by her family’s legal troubles and the Confidential Funds scandal, making her a burden to a President attempting to project stability and good governance.

The isolation of the Vice President is a politically brutal but effective move. It allows Marcos to take credit for positive developments (like inaugurating Yorme’s project) while simultaneously creating distance from the controversies that plague his second-in-command. The public rejection in Manila is a warning sign to all DDS loyalists: your patron is no longer welcome at the main table, and you should choose your next political allegiance carefully. The once-powerful DDS political machine is now facing its greatest test: survival without the protective umbrella of the presidency. The days of unshakeable loyalty are over, replaced by the ruthless logic of political preservation. The question now is not just who will be the next target of the ICC, but who will be the next political figure to publicly abandon the sinking ship of the UniTeam. The answer will define the rest of the Marcos presidency.